A daily dose of philosophical food for your noodle... bacon for your brain!

Saturday, December 31, 2005

Happy Holidays

By Diana Hsieh

Dear NoodleFood Readers,

Please accept, with no obligation implied or implicit, my best wishes for an environmentally conscious, socially responsible, low stress (Yeah, right), non-addictive, gender neutral, celebration of the winter solstice holiday, practiced within the most enjoyable traditions of the religious persuasion of your choice, or secular practices of your choice, with respect for the religious/secular persuasions and/or traditions of others, or their choice not to practice religious or secular traditions at all . . . AND A fiscally successful, personally fulfilling, and medically uncomplicated recognition of the onset of the generally accepted calendar year 2006, but not without due respect for the calendars of choice of other cultures whose contributions to society have helped make America great, (not to imply that America is necessarily greater than any other country or is the only "AMERICA" in the western hemisphere), and without regard to the race, creed, color, age, physical ability, religious faith, or sexual preference of the wishee.

(By accepting this greeting, you are accepting these terms. This greeting is subject to clarification or withdrawal. It is freely transferable with no alteration to the original greeting. It implies no promise by the wisher to actually implement any of the wishes for her/himself or others, and is void where prohibited by law, and is revocable at the sole discretion of the wisher. This wish is warranted to perform as expected within the usual application of good tidings for a period of one year, or until the issuance of a subsequent holiday greeting, whichever comes first, and warranty is limited to replacement of this wish or issuance of a new wish at the sole discretion of the wisher.)

Happy Holidays,
Diana Hsieh

(The substance of that holiday greeting was sent to the FRO e-mail discussion list, aka FRODO, by Glenn Friedman.)

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"I'm a God Warrior!"

By Don

Fundamentalists scare the hell out of me, but this is just crazy. This clip shows a woman returning home from the show "Trading Spouses," where she had played mom for another family. It turns out that family was not quite as Christian as she.

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Thursday, December 29, 2005

Books-A-Quarter-Million

By Diana Hsieh

Great news from ARI:

Teachers Request a Quarter Million Ayn Rand Novels

IRVINE, CA--This school year began with a flood of requests from high school English teachers who wish to teach Ayn Rand's novels in their classrooms. As we go to press, ARI has received requests for approximately 257,000 copies of Anthem or The Fountainhead.

This figure far exceeds the combined total number of requests received since the program began three years ago.

In 2002-03 ARI mailed out 9,000 books; 54,000 the following year; and 100,955 last year. Including this year's (still growing) total, ARI will have fulfilled requests for more than 420,000 copies of Ayn Rand's novels. If each of these books is used for five years, ARI's program will have reached more than two million students.

The project's phenomenal growth has been made possible in part by a specially earmarked million-dollar gift to the Institute. The donation was both the largest single contribution in the Institute's history and the most the Institute has so far received from a single donor during one fiscal year. The donor, who wishes to remain anonymous, made the gift in July. To help fulfill the requests for books that have been pouring in from around the country, ARI has used the $1 million gift to create a matching fund.

More information on this program is available at the Ayn Rand Institute's Web site.

Copyright (c) 2005 Ayn Rand(R) Institute. All rights reserved.

If you would like to help support ARI's efforts, please make an online contribution.

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An Admirable Man

By Diana Hsieh

Although I have almost zero interest in financial markets, I've always rather liked Fox News' Neil Cavuto. He's always seemed like a sensible and steady man.

After reading this story, I'm downright impressed with him as a person. After winning a battle with Hodgkin's lymphoma, he developed MS in 1997. You'd never know it from watching his show, although he routinely "suffers from balance problems, weakness and back pain." Even worse "on a bad day, he'll have a sudden loss of vision that makes reading the teleprompter impossible." Cavuto compensates for these random attacks "by going over and over the script so that he's got it down cold." Moreover, his schedule (as described in the article) is pretty brutal.

Hats off to him!

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Wednesday, December 28, 2005

What's Up, God?

By Don

I was not raised in a particularly religious home, and while my parents weren't thrilled when, at the age of fourteen, I became an atheist, there wasn't any significant pressure put upon me to recant.

But as proof that everyone needs a philosophy, my parents reached a point where -- despite all the worldly success anyone could hope to achieve -- they felt that something was missing from their lives. Seeking answers, they turned to religion. And then, feeling they had answers, decided I needed those answers too.

Recently, my parents read a book called I Don't Have Enough Faith to Be an Atheist, by Norman L. Geisler and Frank Turek. It was a supposedly rational defense of Christianity, and my parents pushed me to read it. Personally, I have no interest in religion. Atheism has been a non-issue for me for years, but I finally agreed to read it on the premise that I would now be able to end any attempt to convert me by saying, "I've heard what you have to say, and I disagree."

I just finished the book, and let me say: I was convinced. I must humbly renounce my former views and state publicly that I have discovered and accepted in my heart and mind the Truth that Jesus was born of God and died for our sins.

Oh, wait, never mind. What I actually discovered is how vicious religion actually is.

The basic thesis of the book is this: both Christians and atheists have faith, but atheism requires more faith than Christianity. Thus the title. What is gruesome is the method by which the authors try to justify that thesis.

Let me start by saying that this book has some virtues. It does pay lip service to reason, logic, and science and never explicitly assaults any of these. (In the end, that is what makes this book so much more evil than other defenses of religion I've read). It also has a heavy Aristotelian streak, and does a good job of rebutting skeptics and subjectivists. It is also the most sophisticated defense of Christianity I have read, avoiding the more obvious errors atheists usually encounter when discussing religion. In fact, I would go so far as to say that a non-Objectivist would probably have trouble answering many of their points.

That said, this book does not, in my view, represent a series of honest errors made in an attempt to defend religion, but an outright assault on man's mind.

Its method is simple: assert that reason cannot lead man to certainty and that every idea demands faith; then claim that the only alternative to skepticism and subjectivism is religion; and finally, employ twisted science, pseudo-science, logical fallacies, and outright lies to establish Christianity as a more rational hypothesis.

The starting premise of the book is that reason cannot lead man to certainty. Why not? Because induction, the authors claim, leads man only to probable truths. What's so fascinating is that in their efforts to condemn skepticism, the authors grant every one of the skeptic's premises. Whereas the skeptic would say, "It is a leap of faith to say that man is mortal," the Christian retorts, "That's right, but it's such a small leap! Sure, you can't know for sure that all men are mortal, but you can know they probably are. It takes more faith to conclude that some men are not mortal than to conclude all of them are." This means that man is obligated to accept conclusions that cannot be justified by reason. It means that reason demands the acceptance of ideas that cannot be proved by rational means. It means that reason demands irrationality.

Keep in mind that if no amount of evidence is sufficient to establish certainty, then there is no basis for judging probability. If you don't know where your destination is, you can't know how far you are from it. It also means that you have no means of determining what counts as evidence for or against a conclusion. Is the fact that all men have died evidence that man by his nature must die? Unless we know what proof would consist of, we have no way to answer that question.

This is illustrated by the next chapter of the book, where the authors break out the cosmological argument to prove God's existence. Their arguments runs thusly:

P1: Everything that had a beginning had a cause.
P2: The universe had a beginning.
C: Therefore the universe had a cause.

Now, I am not a scientist, and I suspect that much of the science they use to defend P2 isn't even accepted by today's mixed up scientists. Moreover, that premise is not a scientific question, but a philosophical one. Or, more precisely, it can be ruled out philosophically: existence cannot come from non-existence. The big bang, if it occurred, represents the universe changing its form or organization, not coming into existence from nothing.

But what's most relevant here is what Geisler and Turek do with the scientific evidence. They assert that science cannot now explain what happened at the time of the big bang or before, and conclude that the only reasonable explanation is that it was created by something outside of existence. In other words, they do not identify what would be conclusive evidence that God exists and thereby determine what would count as evidence of this conclusion. Rather, they posit that there is something science cannot explain and say that this is evidence for God. Evidence? By what standard?

In fact, as Leonard Peikoff pointed out in OPAR, "Inference from the natural can only lead to more of the natural, i.e., to limited, finite entities acting and interacting in accordance with their identities." The key to every argument for the existence of God is the claim, "We don't know X... and therefore God exists." This is worse than a logical fallacy; it is the antithesis of logic. It makes ignorance the basis for certainty -- the only basis for certainty.

Yet Geisler and Turek repeat this pattern again and again. Their second argument for God is the design argument. In that chapter, they engage in a full-out assault on evolution, raising the "Intelligent Design" claim that certain features of life are "irreducibly complex" and could not have arisen through natural causes. Apart from the fact that this point has been answered time and again by scientists (proving to my satisfaction that the authors are completely dishonest) the basic logical point still stands. From the fact that we cannot explain something, we cannot conclude anything. Only on the premise that all conclusions require a leap of faith can someone make such a demand.

And that is the whole point. That is why Geisler and Turek are so desperate to claim that every conclusion requires some amount of faith. If rational certainty is impossible, there is no way to determine what counts as evidence, and if there is no standard for what counts as evidence, then everything counts as evidence -- including ignorance.

The third argument offered for God's existence is the moral argument, in which they simply assert that without God there is no objective basis for morality. I trust I need not spend time refuting that, although I will point out that I think one of the best arguments against Jesus' divinity was that the morality he preached is evil: faith, original sin, mercy over justice, love divorced from values, self-denial, self-abnegation, self-sacrifice... Aristotle was a more careful moral thinker than God Himself.

The rest of the book is spent defending the accuracy of the Bible. Reading page after page of trivia, it's sometimes easy to lose sight of what the authors are actually trying to prove: that even though we know people can err or lie, and that documents can be inaccurate (especially historical ones), and despite the fact that religion contradicts everything we do know, it is irrational to doubt the Biblical story and rational to believe that the Son of God came to the earth, performed miracles, and after telling people that murderers need not burn in hell but an honest atheist will, was crucified and awoke from the dead. Can I get a "Chutzpah"?

To be sure, I have only touched on the errors and absurdities (and viciousness) of this book. But the book does have one accidental virtue: it highlights how badly Ayn Rand is needed in today's philosophical climate. It was Ayn Rand who saw that the alternative to materialism isn't idealism. that the alternative to skepticism is not intrinsicism, and that the alternative to moral subjectivism is not religious authoritarianism.

Not enough faith to be an atheist? That's true. I don't have any faith at all.

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Tuesday, December 27, 2005

The Value of Community

By Diana Hsieh

Given all of the discussion of benevolence in the comments lately, I thought I should post exchange this sooner rather than later. Please note that it was written before that discussion erupted, so some of what I've written in those comments should be seen as elaborating upon these remarks.

Michael Mirmak recently e-mailed me the following inquiry about the value of community:

I've been reading and enjoying your blog for quite some time (and occasionally dropping in a snarky comment); after seeing your posts on FROG and watching it become increasingly successful, I felt compelled to write.

Several recent books, including "Bowling Alone" and "Married to the Job," have focused on an increasing lack of "community" in modern American life. They note declining levels of civic involvement, including voter registration, social and political clubs and sporting associations, even reduced marriage statistics. In the view of these works, American culture is turning away from social interaction and instead engaging in longer working hours or in individual entertainment.

Scholars like John Lewis have reminded us that the healthy early Greek culture viewed social interaction -- the city as a community where men interact and can do so rationally -- as absolutely necessary to human life. However, today's culture offers very few constructive social outlets that aren't somehow tinged with bad ideas. Many non-religious people I know attend church, solely because of the sociability it affords them. Similarly, many (myself included) find ourselves working longer hours to compensate for the lack of healthy social outlets. Arguing with people who enjoy the camaraderie of Habitat for Humanity gets increasingly difficult when you still end up sitting at home alone.

Groups like FROG seem to buck the trend -- they form individualists' communities. But their existence still leaves big philosophical questions: what should the value of "community" -- whether it be the formal, civic kind or the informal, dinner party kind -- be to the rational man? In an Objectivist-majority society, what would form a healthy level of civic involvement, if any, take? Unless we provide a compelling alternative view of the proper relationship of social interaction to individualism, the communitarian view seen on both the left and right will be the one which wins the cultural debate.

Would you be willing to address, through your blog, either "community" as a concept or, more specifically, how to successfully establish a group like FROG?

Thanks in advance!
Michael was kind enough to give me permission to post his e-mail and my reply on NoodleFood. I wanted to do so, as I hope that other folks might might have something interesting to add. So here's my reply:
I've been trying to think of how to reply to your recently e-mail about community, but I haven't thought of anything particularly interesting! Personally, I don't think of community in any grand terms. It's just a group of people who come together due to shared values, then discover that they enjoy spending time together (to degrees varying with each person) due to the discovery of further shared values.

For example, I enjoy my Titan Toastmasters meetings beyond my original purpose of developing and practicing my public speaking skills because many of my fellow members are far more interested in ideas than most people. That makes them more interesting for me to talk to than most people.

With the people involved with FROG, I have a much deeper affinity of values than I ever expected with an Objectivist group, in substantial part because they tend to be far more serious about understanding and practicing the principles of Objectivism than run-of-the-mill many professed Objectivists. With such people, Paul and I have also found plenty of other values in common. We swap meaningful movie, television, and book recommendations. (Many of us have surprisingly similar tastes.) Oh, and food -- I've enjoyed many a fine meal with my friends from FROG! I'm able to get better advice from FROGs than most people. And we have plenty of intellectual issues to discuss.

I would love to see thriving Objectivist communities like FROG in other areas, but I'm not holding my breath. I know that creating and sustaining that requires much diligent effort, thoughtful leadership, and even heroic patience over the course of years. In the meantime, even one good Objectivist friend in the area goes a long way, I know. It's really important, I think, to have even just one person with whom you can be completely at ease.

If I find that I don't have additional shared values with the people in a given social group, then I keep my involvement to a minimum. I hate to waste my time on idle chit-chat with people I don't much like. Speaking generally, I can usually only hope for some kind of minimal visibility with people unfamiliar with Objectivism -- and I have little tolerance for that. I'm particularly tortured by the standard comments about the evils of not recycling, a child's need for religion, the old people wasting "our" health care resources, and the like. In casual conversation with regular people, I'm too often mired in boredom, then jolted into horror. It's so trying just to be polite in those situations. Of course, I do know a few notable exceptions to those general observations. And I can enjoy many people in small doses, particularly if I'm plied with good food!

I've never thought much of the usual communitarian complaints about the barren loneliness of individualism. (I always want to say in reply, "Speak for yourself, brother!") My general impression is that far too many people (particularly those needy communitarians) want others to fill a painful void in themselves that really ought to be occupied by their own soul. And they are willing to be incredibly promiscuous in their social relationships in the attempt. I hate to sound so Roark-ish, but if you can't stand to be alone, then you're not yet fit for company. (And that's just one of many demanding requirements for good social relationships!)
Thoughts?

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Monday, December 26, 2005

Happy Christmas and Merry New Year

By Don

I am bad at retrospectives. My memory is notoriously poor, and besides, I've never much enjoyed reading them let alone writing them. But as this year closes, I do want to say a few thank you's to everyone who has made 2005 such an amazing year for me.

First, foremost, and above all, thank you to Diana: for allowing me to post here, and for being so supportive of me and my work. It's so much easier to blog when there's no pressure to post every day. And it's so much more enjoyable to blog when I know that every post will be met with a slew of comments from NoodleFood's wonderful readers (in particular RT, who wins my coveted "Best Commentor" award).

Thank you to everyone who has helped make Axiomatic the modest success it has been: my readers, writers, and editors. A very special thanks to MB -- without his editorial guidance, the quality of the magazine wouldn't have come close to what it has been -- and David Arceneaux, whose services as Axiomatic's webmaster can never be fully repayed (unless a bunch more of you subscribe and shower me with money.)

Thank you to James Valliant, whose book The Passion of Ayn Rand's Critics has changed so many minds, and has put Rand's detractors on the defensive...which is where they deserve to be.

Thank you to Yaron Brook and the staff at the Ayn Rand Institute -- you guys are doing amazing things. I only wish I could afford to donate more.

Finally, thank you to my best friend David Rehm...for everything.

Oh, and there's one more person left to thank, but for that, you'll have to wait for the January issue of Axiomatic, due out, well...in January.

Happy Holidays,
Don

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Sunday, December 25, 2005

Merry Christmas!

By Diana Hsieh

Merry Christmas, everyone!

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Saturday, December 24, 2005

Message To Space

By Paul Hsieh

Rand Simberg has won the contest held by "The Space Show" for the first message to space. The message could have a maximum length of one page, taking no more than 5 minute to read. His winning entry: "We taste terrible."

Update: It was Sam Dinkin (Rand Simberg's co-blogger), who won the contest. My apologies, Sam!

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Friday, December 23, 2005

TOC Donor Dollars at Work

By Diana Hsieh

In Howard Roark's courtroom speech in The Fountainhead, he said, "The world is perishing from an orgy of self-sacrificing." The philosophical state of the world today is basically the same, if not worse. So I'm pleased to see that Ed Hudgins of The Objectivist Center is tacking the tough issues of the day by .... (drumroll please) .... reviewing Kong -- and not even in a philosophical way. Here's about as good as it gets:

Giving character to animals in movies not meant merely for children is always fraught with the danger of making them too human, which they're not, especially in the case of apes, which do have a rudimentary intelligence. Jackson strikes a good balance with Kong, a creature scarred by daily battles for survival who's comes across something that piques his simian curiosity and charms him. But he's still a killer, though his rampage through New York is clearly caused by his tacky mistreatment on Broadway by Denham.
As a friend of mine said in forwarding me the link, "Well, I'm glad that's been cleared up!"

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Gun Politics Makes Strange Bedfellows in San Francisco

By Paul Hsieh

This was an interesting article about liberal gays opposed to the upcoming San Francisco handgun ban. As these gay female NRA members have correctly observed, gun laws like this have the most severe effect on those who are physically weakest and otherwise least able to defend themseves.

Some excerpts:

"Some citizens fear for safety if courts uphold S.F.'s voter-approved ban on handguns"

...The measure, which takes effect Jan. 1, also makes it illegal for residents to possess handguns.

And as that date approaches, handgun owners like Hurst are becoming increasingly fearful of the consequences.

"We're exactly the kind of people that should have weapons. We're vulnerable," Hurst said during a recent conversation in her cozy apartment, where she lives with her partner and their two cats. "The guns are not going away unless they absolutely have to."

...Both belong to the NRA, not because they agree with what they call the "right-wing lunatics" running the organization, but mostly because they like the mailers and Second Amendment literature the group offers.

They pride themselves on being responsible gun owners -- they take regular trips to the range to practice and always keep the bullets separate from the guns. It's just, they say, that they have too many friends who have been raped and abused to allow themselves to fall victim to anyone.

...Those who favor banning handguns in the city say that too many innocent people are shot in gun accidents and that handguns are often used in suicides.

They say criminals often get guns by robbing law-abiding gun owners.

Hurst denounces all those arguments, saying that there are simply too many guns out there to ban them all and that having a weapon levels the playing field against an attacker, who is likely to be armed.

"Assuming I'd be able to make a 911 call in the first place, you're looking at six or seven minutes realistically before police can get here," Hurst said. "You can get killed many times over in that length of time."

"Or raped and maimed and then killed," B.C. added.

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Thursday, December 22, 2005

Epistemological Anarchy

By Don

If you have ever debated the issue of limited government versus anarchy with an anarchist, you have undoubtedly run into this argument: "Every government in history has violated individual rights, so what grounds do you have for believing there could be a government that doesn't?"

In fact, our own Stephan Kinsella raised this point in his current discussion with Dave Harrison. He said, "All of our experience and history shows all states to ride roughshod over citizens' rights."

(Dave's response was perfect: "To some extent or another, depending on the state. And therefore what?")

What I want to note is the epistemological error in the anarchist's argument. Specifically, the false view of induction.

To take the standard example, suppose I observe a hundred swans, all of which are white. This by itself would not justify concluding that all swans are white. Induction does not work by enumeration. To generalize, you would have to know why all swans must be white -- what in their nature causes them to be white?

In the same way, you cannot argue that because all governments have violated individual rights, that all governments must violate rights. You would have to be able to identify something in the nature of government that necessitates the violation of individual rights. Never has an anarchist succeeded at this task.

The closest anyone has ever come was Roy Childs, who famously argued that in barring other individuals and organizations from the use of retaliatory force, a government is initiating force. But, as I have argued elsewhere, Childs' argument shares the fatal flaw that plagues almost every anarchist argument: the complete evasion of the requirements of objectivity.

In one of her Ford Hall Forum speeches, Ayn Rand read a quote so horrific and illustrative of the point she was making that the audience burst into applause. Rand paused for a moment and explained to the audience that their applause was non-objective, since she had no way of knowing whether they were agreeing with the quote or with Rand. Rand's point is that objectivity imposes requirements, not only in a person's mind, but in how they express themselves in a social context. Each audience member knew why he was applauding, but his applause was non-objective because the person he was trying to communicate with, Ayn Rand, had no means of knowing what his applause was attempting to communicate.

The same principle applies to the issue of retaliation.

In his open letter to Ayn Rand, Childs disputes Rand's claim that, "The use of physical force -- even its retaliatory use -- cannot be left at the discretion of individual citizens." He writes:

This contradicts your epistemological and ethical position. Man's mind -- which means: the mind of the individual human being -- is capable of knowing reality, and man is capable of coming to conclusions on the basis of his rational judgment and acting on the basis of his rational self-interest. You imply, without stating it, that if an individual decides to use retaliation, that that decision is somehow subjective and arbitrary. Rather, supposedly the individual should leave such a decision up to government which is -- what? Collective and therefore objective? This is illogical. If man is not capable of making these decisions, then he isn't capable of making them, and no government made up of men is capable of making them, either. By what epistemological criterion is an individual's action classified as "arbitrary," while that of a group of individuals is somehow "objective"?
Morally, a man has the right to retaliate against those who initiate force. In fact, as Ayn Rand pointed out, assuming he is able to do so, retaliation is a moral imperative. Refusing to retaliate against an aggressor is to sanction his aggression -- and to welcome more of it. Yet, if he is living in a society of other men, it is not enough that an individual determine in his own mind that his use of force is retaliatory. Since whether an act of force is initiatory or retaliatory is not self-evident, and since a man who initiates force is by that fact a threat to society, any man who engages in force that has not been proved by objective means to be retaliatory must be considered a threat. This is the deepest reason why the use of retaliatory force must be delegated to the government: an act of retaliation that isn't first proved to be an act of retaliation is indistinguishable from an act of aggression -- and must be treated as such.

What, then, are "objective means"? To determine that an instance of force is retaliatory, men must know what the act of force was, the general standard by which guilt is to be determined, and what evidence was used to meet that standard in a particular case. Every member of society must have access to this information. And, of course, each of these elements must be objective (the laws, standards of evidence, and the evaluation of whether the evidence in question meets that standard). By its nature, then, objectivity in retaliation cannot be achieved without a government (assuming we are speaking here of a society of men and not individuals or isolated tribes). If an individual uses force, by that very fact he is an objective threat to other members of society and may properly be restrained, even if he was responding to another man's aggression. He has no grounds for claiming his rights are being violated.

Imagine you are walking down the street and a man walks up and punches the person next to you in the face. The anarchist would argue that if you use force to restrain that person, you are initiating force if it turns out that the man he punched hit him first. Yet that is pure intrinsicism. It is non-objective in the same way that the audience's applause was non-objective. He may be retaliating but you don't know it.

Contrary to Childs, the point is not that individuals are unable to make objective determinations of what constitutes retaliatory force -- it's that objectivity demands they prove it to every other member of society. Only a government can provide such a mechanism. (The anarchist would of course dispute this last claim as well, but the point here isn't to make the case for limited government -- merely to demonstrate that government is not inherently aggressive.)

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Wednesday, December 21, 2005

Ayn Rand on Total War

By Diana Hsieh

I recently received the following inquiry by e-mail:

Some Objecivists rely on the first quotation cited by Rod Long in this blog post to argue for total war. I've never seen them grapple with other statements, including -- but not limited to the others cited by Long -- where Rand seems to argue against the killing of civilians and in general for a more measured approach to warfare than that argued for by more hawkish Objectivists.

Do you know of any Objectivists who have tried to reconcile these varying statements? Is there indeed a single coherent philosophy that can accomodate all of the public statements she made on these matters? Or is Long right, and perhaps Objectivists are making too much of off-the-cuff statements that Rand did fully think out?

If anyone has tried to address these issues, I'd appreciate it if you could point me to the work.
I must admit, I wasn't exactly impressed with referenced post from Rod Long:
So is it morally permissible to kill innocent people in the course of retaliating against an aggressor? Ooh, good question; let's ask Ayn Rand, a collection of whose responses to such questions has just been published as Ayn Rand Answers: The Best of Her Q & A.

A. Ayn Rand says: hell yes, kill the innocent
If we go to war with Russia, I hope the 'innocent' are destroyed with the guilty. ... Nobody has to put up with aggression, and surrender his right of self-defense, for fear of hurting somebody else, guilty or innocent. When someone comes at you with a gun, if you have an ounce of self-esteem, you answer with force, never mind who he is or who's standing behind him. (p. 95)
B. Ayn Rand says: hell no, don't kill the innocent
Whatever rights the Palestinians may have had -- I don't know the history of the Middle East well enough to know what started the trouble -- they have lost all rights to anything: not only to land, but to human intercourse. If they lost land, and in response resorted to terrorism -- to the slaughter of innocent citizens -- they deserve whatever any commandos anywhere can do to them, and I hope the commandos succeed. (p. 97)
C. Ayn Rand says: gee, there's no right answer
Even as a writer, I can barely project a situation in which a man must kill an innocent person to defend his own life. ... But suppose someone lives in a dictatorship, and needs a disguise to escape. ... So he must kill an innocent bystander to get a coat. In such a case, morality cannot say what to do. ... Personally, I would say the man is immoral if he takes an innocent life. But formally, as a moral philosopher, I'd say that in such emergency situations, no one could prescribe what action is appropriate. ... Whatever a man chooses in such cases is right -- subjectively. (p. 114)
I have a difficult time seeing a consistent principle underlying these different answers: Americans killing innocent Russians strikes Rand as obviously permissible, while Palestinians killing innocent Israelis strikes her as obviously impermissible; but when killer and victim are fellow-subjects of the same dictatorship all this obviousness suddenly vanishes. The acceptability of innocent casualties seems to vary depending on political rather than philosophical considerations; it's hard to avoid the conclusion that she was just giving her knee-jerk emotional reaction to the politics of the actors involved.

In general Rand tended to be rather cavalier with questions of casuistry (the application of moral principles to hard cases) -- a symptom, perhaps, of what I've long considered her chief philosophical failing: impatience. Elsewhere in the Q & A book she notes that "if there's one thing I cannot do mentally, it's handle anything more than two 'ifs'" (p. 170) -- as though this were a feature, not a bug. In fact she's quite mistaken; in plotting a novel she could be enormously painstaking and patient in constructing a complex and detailed structure and making sure every bit of it fit; that's because, as I believe, she loved writing fiction far more than she loved writing nonfiction, taking up the latter primarily as a theoretical biologist might decide to act as a medic during a plague. That, I hypothesise, is why she had so much less patience for detail in her nonfiction than in her fiction (I've written more about this here), which, I further hypothesise, helps to explain why she tended to allow herself (I don't mean consciously) to answer these sorts of questions on the basis of gut feeling rather than a consistent philosophical analysis.

Rand's anti-Communism gave her a motivation to answer (A) in a way that would favour the Americans, but to answer (B) in a way that would favour the Israelis. (Rand's support for Israel, perhaps along with her bizarre judgment that Israel's Arab antagonists are "still practically nomads," seems to have been motivated by the fact that "Soviet Russia ... is sending the Arabs armaments.": p. 96.) As nothing ideological was at stake in (C), she had no political motivation to answer it in any particular way. Hence, I suggest, the inconsistency. (For my own approach to the question of killing innocents see here and here.)
I was particularly annoyed by Rod Long's claim that Ayn Rand "tended to be rather cavalier with questions of casuistry," since if anyone was careless on this issue, it was him in this very blog post.

So here's what I wrote to my e-mail correspondent:
I'm rather surprised that you would be taken in by Rod Long's post. He's totally ignoring the vastly different context of those quotes.

In the first, Ayn Rand is speaking of war of self-defense with Russia. The "innocent" in question were the passive supporters of the Soviet Union, i.e. the vast majority of Russians who accepted the horrors of the communist government without significant protest. Those people were morally responsible for their decision not to fight the communists, for their willingness to live as slaves to the Bolsheviks. Without them, the Bolsheviks never could have retained their iron grip on power. Such people were not innocent, but guilty -- albeit perhaps less so than active supporters of the communists. Given their choice to live without any rights whatsoever under the Soviets, they have no grounds on which to protest their death by an American bomb rather than a KGB interrogator. The genuine innocents in Soviet Russia were the opponents of the regime -- and those people would have welcomed an invasion from the US, despite the risk of being caught in the crossfire.

In contrast, the second quote concerns actual innocents, namely the ordinary Israelis conducting their daily, peaceful business within a fundamentally lawful, civilized society who are suddenly blown to bits by Palestinian terrorists. If the Palestinians had legitimate complaints against the Israelis, they ought to have settled them in a peaceful manner consistent with some measure of respect for law. They were not fighting a dictatorship -- and so had no grounds upon which to inflict such senseless death and destruction.

The context of the third quote is substantially different from that of the first two, in that it concerns an ordinary person attempting to escape dictatorship, not a political conflict of any kind. It might be psychologically difficult for an ordinary person to kill under those circumstances, but that has nothing to do with the propriety of killing innocents (whether genuine or supposed) in war. And Ayn Rand's answer in that case is consistent with her general view of the ethics of emergencies.

In "The Roots of War," Ayn Rand said: "Consider the plunder, the destruction, the starvation, the brutality, the slave-labor camps, the torture chambers, the wholesale slaughter perpetrated by dictatorships. Yet this is what today's alleged peace-lovers are willing to advocate or tolerate--in the name of love for humanity."

The same assessment applies to the rationalistic libertarians claiming that the non-initiation of force principle prohibits self-defensive action against anyone other than a voluntary agent of a force-initiating regime. On that view, if Hitler ever invaded the US, US soldiers would be forbidden from defending the borders, since at least some of the enemy soldiers were unwillingly drafted. Similarly, the US military couldn't bomb Hitler's concentration camps -- and thus save millions of genuinely innocent lives by destroying the machinery of the Holocaust -- because we might kill or maim some of those innocents. The pacifist libertarians fail to appreciate the philosophical context of the non-initiation of force principle, particularly the fact that its purpose is to protect human life by making peaceful co-existence in society possible. Given that purpose, if it ever seems that the principle morally requires us to sacrifice the world to an evil tyrant, then it's long past time to check our premises. If the pacifist libertarian merely claims that we are morally obliged to risk our own lives to prevent harm to those who refuse to fight that tyrant, as Rod Long does, then the checking of premises is still in order.

Just to be clear, I'm not attributing Rod Long's errors to you. However, if you want to raise some questions about Ayn Rand's statements on the proper conduct of war, you'll have to find some more compelling quotes than those cited by Rod Long. (For the reasons you mentioned, her published, edited comments would be more compelling than those off-the-cuff remarks from her Q&As.) For a reasonably clear statement of her views on moral conduct in war, I would recommend her essay "The Lessons of Vietnam" reprinted in The Voice of Reason.

In that essay, Ayn Rand argues that a nation ought only go to war for self-interested reasons, for to do otherwise is to sacrifice our soldiers' lives "in pure compliance with the ethics of altruism, i.e., selflessly and senselessly." The same evaluation applies when the military is prevented from fighting for victory, as seen in the contempt leveled against that "modern monstrosity called a 'no win' war, in which the American forces were not permitted to act, but only to react: they were to 'contain' the enemy, but not to beat him."

We may safely say that Ayn Rand was an advocate of fighting only selfish wars for the purpose of defeating the enemy. That's exactly what it means to fight a total war, in that the guiding purpose of all political and military choices must be to end the conflict as quickly as possible by thoroughly defeating the enemy, with as little loss of life on your own side as possible, never sacrificing the lives of your own soldiers for the sake of the enemy. As a general rule, that method also preserves the most lives of enemy soldiers and civilians, even while eliminating the threat they pose. For example, by dropping the bomb on Nagasaki and Hiroshima, rather than fighting a bloody land war, we saved hundreds of thousands of lives on both sides, particularly and most importantly our own.

Provided that the war itself is legitimate, the responsibility for any and all loss of enemy life, whether soldier or civilian, falls squarely upon the shoulders of the enemy leaders who created the conflict. And ultimately, the majority of people are responsible for their leaders -- whether by active choice in a democracy or passive acceptance in a dictatorship. As for those in genuine opposition, they cannot rightly expect the other countries threatened by their government to sacrifice themselves for their sake. As Ayn Rand so vehemently said in one of those Ford Hall Forum Q&As, that's one reason why our choice of political leaders matters so very much.
I think that much more could be said on this difficult topic, but that's enough for me for now!

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Tuesday, December 20, 2005

Merriam-Webster Open Dictionary

By Paul Hsieh

"Have you spotted a new word or a new sense for an old word that hasn't made it into the dictionary yet? Well, here's your chance to add your discovery (and its definition) to Merriam-Webster's Open Dictionary".

Some reader-submitted examples:

Snotcicle (verb) : a pendent mass of ice formed by the freezing of dripping snot

phonecrastinate (verb) : to put off answering the phone until caller ID displays the incoming name and number

scrax (noun) : the waxy coating that must be scratched off an instant lottery ticket

photostroller (noun) : Person who walks with camera ready to take photos.

e-nail (verb) : to expose yourself unwittingly, or to be exposed by another, by the forwarding of an e-mail containing personal comments to the person referred to in the message. One e-nails oneself most often by adding cc recipients to a long exchange, forgetting that the person added is referred to earlier in the exchange.
"Max e-nailed me when he cc'ed Sally on my message about her screw-up."
(Via CarTalk radio show.)

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Monday, December 19, 2005

Advice on Blogging

By Diana Hsieh

Not too long ago, an Objectivist e-mailed me to ask for my advice about blogging. I wrote the following comments with the intention of blogging them, as I thought they might be of interest to present and future bloggers. I'd like to particularly highlight my advice on running a queue, as that's been invaluable to me. So without further ado, the e-mail:

I have a few recommendations based upon my own experience. They'll be more or less applicable to you, so take what you like and leave the rest.

  • It's critical that you blog on topics of interest to you. Don't censor yourself based upon what you think your audience wants to read. Don't force yourself to write what you think your audience needs to read. To be sustained over time, blogging has to be totally self-motivated. For me, that means only occasionally blogging on politics. Because the basic Objectivist perspective on contemporary political debates is generally quite straightforward, it's just too easy to repeat well-worn Objectivist platitudes in blogging on daily political events. So I try to only comment when some unusually interesting event catches my attention. Perhaps you'll have something more insightful to say on politics than me though!

  • Don't set your standards too high in blogging by requiring every post to be some well-developed argument. It's just not that formal of a medium. Not every post even needs to be philosophically important. Some posts can just be funny. Others might be strangely interesting. And some might be small revelations about you as a person.

  • It's hard to sustain blogging over time. To do so, you need to thoroughly automatize a standing order to your subconscious: Be on the lookout for stuff worth blogging! Don't limit that search to articles that you read on the internet; that's too narrow. Tell your subconscious to alert your to anything of interest to your blog, then allow your conscious mind to veto the material that's too personal, complicated, boring, or whatnot. Without that blogging habit, you'll quickly run out of ideas for posts. Also, I write down general ideas for posts in a central location, so that I can work on those posts when I'm otherwise bereft of ideas. I also have a central repository of half-finished posts to finish as time permits.

  • If you blog at fairly regular intervals -- whether a few posts an hour or a day or a week -- you'll keep your readers coming back, as they'll know how often they should check your site for new posts. Personally, I aim to post twice per day, although sometimes I post just once, whereas other days I'll post three or four times. My blogging used to be more irregular: I'd post a bunch one day, then not at all for the next few days. It just wasn't possible for me to actually write blog posts on a terribly regular basis. I fixed that difficulty with the queue -- the next point.

  • To ensure regular blogging, I use a queue. Basically, I keep a queue of 5 to 15 completed but not yet published blog posts. (Blogger isn't set up to manage a queue well, but I've made it work by saving the queued posts as drafts, with the date set to 2006. That keeps them in the order of writing but at the top of the list of existing posts. Then I just have to change the date and time when I post them.) If a post is time sensitive in some fashion, I'll post it right away. Otherwise, I'll post something from the queue once or twice a day. The queue allows me to post regularly even though I might not write any blog posts for a few days, then write a bunch of posts in a single day, and so on. I can also space out the longer and/or weightier posts, so as not to overload my readers. I often find that I'll edit a post to my greater satisfaction while it's waiting in the queue.

  • Be careful of when you post, in that weekend are slow times on the internet compared to weekdays. I delay important posts written over the weekend, even if I'm eager to get them out, for Sunday night or Monday morning.

  • Don't just be an idea factory: Let your readers get to know you as a person. Blogging is an excellent way to meet new people, particularly those that comment in response to your posts. That preliminary contact often eliminates the need for the pointless chit-chat between strangers that I find so difficult. Allowing your personality to show through helps that process. However, I must admit that I often have trouble knowing what to say when someone I don't know at all says that they read NoodleFood. They have such an advantage: They know tons about me but I know nothing about them! Still, that's better than nothing.

  • Be aware that some people will be downright alarmed to be mentioned on your blog. With the exception of hate mail, I don't reprint e-mails without permission. I also don't mention names in a post unless I know with reasonable certainty that the person won't mind being identified. Remember that anyone can read your blog at any time. So don't make snarky comments about particular people unless you really don't care that they might hate you forever after that. Personally, I could say much more than I do about graduate school, but I'd hate to commit professional suicide in such a pointless manner.

  • E-mail your better blog posts to people who are likely to be interested in reading them, particularly other bloggers. (Be sure to include both the text of and the link to the post.) That's a great way to promote your blog, particularly when just starting out. I appreciate those announcements, even if I don't end up blogging that post.

    That's probably much more detail than you were expecting. In the course of writing it, I decided that I would blog it, so I thought I'd throw in as much as I could think of! I hope that it's helpful, even if a bit delayed.
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    OCON 06

    By Diana Hsieh

    Hooray! The schedule for the 2006 OCON is now available! It will be held from June 30 to July 8 at the Seaport Hotel in Boston. I'm very glad to see that Mary Ann Sures will be lecturing again. And I'm enthused about far too many of the optional courses.

    In other news, I won't be able to attend the upcoming Ayn Rand Society meeting at the New York APA. I was definitely looking foward to seeing some friends there, but it's just not working with my schedule. I hope to make it next year though, as it's a fun time.

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    Sunday, December 18, 2005

    Libertarian Detection

    By Diana Hsieh

    In early December, Paul and I attended a free, day-long seminar held in Denver by the Foundation for Economic Education (aka FEE). Before attending, I wasn't super-familiar with FEE, although I certainly knew them as a libertarian organization. I decided to attend in order to see my old friend Sheldon Richman (who spoke on education), to hear the talk on the Soviet Union by Anna Ebeling (a former citizen), and to generally to engage in some philosophic detection (about libertarianism).

    Purely for the pleasure to seeing Sheldon, I'm glad I attended. Sheldon's talk was very good, and our chat during Doug Bandow's talk and then lunch fantastically fun. We talked about environmentalism, the Objectivist meta-ethics, James Valliant's The Passion of Ayn Rand's Critics, my criticisms of TOC, education, feminism, and so much more. Poor Paul couldn't get a word in edgewise!

    Anna Ebeling's talk on the Soviet Union was good, although I was very familiar with almost all the facts presented in it. (That was kind of nice actually, as sign of all that I've learned!) Some parts of it were a bit confused, but she did generally focus on the role of collectivist ideology in the establishment and maintenance of the Soviet Union. In the course of her talk, she did mention that thousands of American POWs in Germany "liberated" by the advancing Red Army were sent to the Gulag -- solely due to their Slavic surnames. If I ran across that in my prior readings on the Soviet Union, it didn't stick in my memory. I certainly want to read up on the issue, as it promises to provide an rather unique perspective on the Soviet Union. The book she recommended was Soldiers of Misfortune: Washington's Secret Betrayal of American Pow's in the Soviet Union, which I'll surely read. She also highly recommended Robert Conquest and Richard Pipes, as I do.

    As for the exercise in philosophic detection about libertarianism, I'd say that it was quite fruitful. Paul and I had to leave early, so we missed perhaps the most revealing bit, but we got a good report from Ari Armstrong, who also attended the seminar. (Ari has since written up a detailed summary and evaluation of the conference.)

    Paul and I were pleasantly surprised by the first talk by FEE president Richard Ebeling on "Liberty, Morality, and the Market." He explicitly argued for the need for a moral defense of free markets to counter the critics of capitalism. He said that nothing is more moral than a system based upon respect for the dignity of each person as an end-in-himself with dreams and aspirations of his own, not just as some cog in the social machine. That sounded somewhat promising, although not nearly deep or clear enough.

    I was rather worried by Ebeling's altruistic characterization of trade, however. He began by observing that capitalism, unlike other systems, does not divide people into classes of masters and servants. That's true enough. Instead, he claimed, we call act in mutually interdependent roles as both master and servant in capitalism. As producers, we serve our fellow man, whereas as consumers, others serve us. He strongly characterized this system as noble and beautiful. In contrast, Ayn Rand utterly rejected that altruistic model of master and servant. She understood that traders in a free market are, by law, independent and equal creatures voluntarily exchanging values to mutual advantage.

    Paul and I both wondered about the further depths of Ebeling's "freedom philosophy," particularly whether it was religious or Kantian or altruistic or whatnot. Since the session started a bit late, it didn't have a Q&A, so we didn't have an opportunity to ask.

    Since I had no desire to listen to a talk by an evangelical Christian like Doug Bandow, we skipped his talk to chat with Sheldon. As an aside, I knew of Bandow's strong evangelical Christianity from my days as an intern at Cato, although I never interacted with him much. I was revolted by it even then. (My e-mail archive confirms it!) At one point during my internship, I was unexpectedly assigned to do research for what became his article on "Christianity's Parallel Universe." I was unwilling to work on such a project, so I asked to be reassigned. Thankfully, I was. Just as I expected, the article was quite positive about the then-nascent but fast-growing trend toward under-the-mainstream-radar Christian institutions such as media outfits, think tanks, universities, literature, bookstores, and political groups. In the conclusion, Bandow merely worried that that subterranean approach "may have a serious downside, weakening Christian influence in the broader culture." Blech. (After this scandal, I wonder whether Bandow will be speaking at FEE events in the future.)

    Ari summarized Bandow's FEE talk for me in e-mail as follows:

    Bandow argued that one must pragmatically (my word, not his) "balance" (his word) free markets with governmental regulations in such cases as air quality. Now I grant that air pollution is a difficult case, but the answer is not just to throw up one's hands and prescribe some kind of vague solution in "balance." Bandow's case, then, was all about cost-benefit analysis, not individual rights.
    I suppose that I can now add "environmental regulations" to the long list of concrete issues about which respectable, in-crowd libertarians disagree. Very soon now, every political issue will be up for grabs in libertarian circles. At that point, how will libertarians justify their political alliances with each other? Actually, I'm sure that those remaining in the movement will continue to claim that any and all such differences are minor and insignificant, even though they concern matters of principle. So perhaps we'll also hear more about the necessity of compromise in the ugly reality of the real world.

    As already mentioned, Paul and I left before Richard Ebeling's second talk, "Reclaiming the Spirit of Americanism," as we had to get home to prepare for a dinner that evening. Based upon Ari's report, we missed the most revealing bits of the whole day. I've consolidated some paragraphs in his report. Also, he warned me that he included only the "lowlights" in his e-mail. That being said, here's what Ari wrote:
    You guys missed the "best" part!

    After Ebeling's final talk, a guy in the audience asked him how important the "Creator" of the Declaration of Independence is. Ebeling said the following: "Whether one is religious or not, one has to understand the tradition... of liberty" would not have arisen in the West "but for the Judeo-Christian heritage." Judaism gave us the idea that there is a "higher law than man's law," and "that is crucially important." Christianity brought us the idea that "salvation is for the individual," which leads to a "respect of the right of the individual to pursue his life as he sees best." Jesus asked people to voluntarily follow him; he did not try to have people arrested. Christianity requires "individual choice and acceptance." These two ideas gave us the "Western notion of liberty."

    To summarize, the state should not be all-powerful, and individual choice is paramount. The "Europeans have lost that." They "no longer believe in absolutes... [or] a higher authority." Americans better-understand that the ideas described constitute the "source and profound basis of liberty."

    Earlier, while describing Hayek's views on the division of knowledge, Ebeling said, "Why is freedom so important? It's the ignorance of all of us." To be generous, that's a rather poor way to summarize Hayek's point.

    Or, to paraphrase one vocal critic of religion, "Oh, brother."
    Indeed! In his official write-up, Ari offers some more detailed criticisms under the heading of "FEE and Religion." He begins by saying, "The central problem with FEE, from my view as influenced by Ayn Rand's Objectivism, is that its leaders try to tie economic liberty to religion." He then describes Ebling's comments on the religious foundations of liberty, as quoted above. I'm going to quote the rest of his comments in this section in full, as I think they highlight some of the serious problems with the attempt to justify liberty by reference to Christianity.
    Ebeling's theory is false, and it leads to a number of serious problems.

    The main problem is that Ebeling is unable to offer a convincing case for the morality of economic liberty. His case is basically Smithian in nature. We "appeal to our neighbor's self-love" in trade, and in doing so "we are both master and servant." Part of the "nobility and justice" of the free-market system is that, as individuals, we serve others through peaceful transactions. There is an important truth to Ebeling's case: as participants in the market economy, we must indeed offer people things they want in order to trade for things that we want. But, in grounding the morality of the system (at least significantly) on service, Ebeling opens wide the door to service with a little legislative help.

    Ebeling makes the standard Public Choice arguments about government action, but ultimately moral views trump arguments about incentives.

    While Ebeling talked about reducing what government does, he didn't offer a positive case for the proper functions of government; namely, to protect individual rights. The reason for this oversight, I think, is that, in failing to offer a good moral foundation for economic liberalism, Ebeling's case takes on an element of reactionism, treating government in negative terms because power corrupts and the incentives are bad.

    Ebeling's reasoning for why the Judeo-Christian heritage is the basis of liberty is flawed. Let us take his first point, that this heritage established a law higher than man's law. Ebeling conflates this view with the view that the state is not all-powerful, but the two notions are distinct. The more common interpretation of the idea that God's law trumps is that man's law should reflect God's law. This is the view taken by many American Christians both right-wing and left, and, to a greater degree, by many Middle Eastern Muslims.

    A quick glance at Exodus, chapters 21 and 22, confirms the theocratic, not the libertarian, interpretation of "higher law." The ordinances described there include the following (Oxford Annotated):

  • "When you buy a Hebrew slave, he shall serve six years..."
  • "When a man sells his daughter as a slave, she shall not go out as the male slaves do."
  • "Whoever strikes his father or his mother shall be put to death."
  • "Whoever curses his father or his mother shall be put to death."
  • "When a man strikes his slave, male or female, with a rod and the slave dies under his hand, he shall be punished. But if the slave survives a day or two, he is not to be punished; for the slave is his money."
  • "When an ox gores a man or a woman to death, the ox shall be stoned..."
  • "You shall not permit a sorceress to live."
  • "Whoever sacrifices to any god, save to the LORD only, shall be utterly destroyed."

    That's not exactly the sort of libertarian world that Ebeling endorses.

    What of Ebeling's claim that Christianity requires "individual choice?" At most, the principle requires free choice only with respect to one's own salvation. Forcing people to give money to the poor is no violation of the principle, so long as the point is to help the poor, not help the soul of the donor. According to Matthew 22:15-21, the Pharisees tried to bait Jesus by asking him, "Is it lawful to pay taxes to Caesar, or not?" He replied, "Render therefore to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's." That's hardly a strong criticism of taxation. The Israelites levied taxes foreign and domestic. Oxford's Companion to the Bible states (779-80), "In the biblical portrayal of Israel's conquest of the Promised Land, the defeated peoples are annihilated when possible in holy war... When the Canaanites managed a negotiated settlement, the obligation was not tribute but forced labor... David... carved out a small empire that brought a flow of booty and tribute to the new capital at Jerusalem... David's new dynasty not only brought Israel great wealth but building projects, a standing army, and a palace bureaucracy, all of which required support by internal taxation along with the foreign revenue."

    During the Inquisition, Crusades, witch burnings, and intimidation and murder of various "heretics" and scientists, various Christian leaders failed to see the connection between the "individual choice" allegedly demanded by their religion and a libertarian order such as Ebeling prescribes.

    Today, many Christians attempt to justify political controls on pornography, homosexuality, drug use, and so on, in order to prevent the free choices of "deviants" from corrupting others.

    Objectivists see the "Creator" in the Declaration of Independence basically as a proxy for natural law. Leonard Peikoff writes in The Ominous Parallels, "It has been said... that the belief in God is at the base of the American system, and that the United States is a product of Christian piety. In fact, the religious mentality was not the source of this country's distinctive institutions, but the fundamental obstacle to their emergence" (106).

    Interestingly, Ebeling himself noted that the Pilgrims established a collectivist society for religious reasons, but then they instituted private property to keep from starving to death.

    Peikoff attributes the American Revolution to the Enlightenment principles of science, reason, and human happiness on Earth. He continues (110-11): "The leaders of the American Enlightenment did not reject the idea of the supernatural completely. Characteristically, they were deists, who believed that God exists as nature's remote, impersonal creator... [but] God thereafter retires into the role of a passive, disinterested spectator. This view... is a remnant of medievalism, in process of fading out. It is in the nature of a vestigial afterthought, whose actual influence on the period is minimal... The result of the Enlightenment ideas... was a surging sense of liberation." Peikoff suggests the Declaration of Independence is fundamentally a product of Aristotelian philosophy, not Christianity.

    Ebeling heads an organization devoted to "economic education." Yet he realizes that liberty cannot live by economics alone. And so he tries to make a moral argument for liberty based on Christianity. In that attempt, he fails.
  • Although I know a bit about Christianity, I've never made any serious study of it. From what I do know, I expect that I'll be more than a bit amazed that so many attempt use it as a philosophical foundation.

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    Saturday, December 17, 2005

    Slaves and Sex

    By Diana Hsieh

    Partly in response to some of the discussion of Thomas Jefferson that occurred in the comments of this NoodleFood post a while back, Mike posted some of his own Passing Thoughts on the matter. He mostly quoted from an article entitled "The Anti-Jeffersonian Revolution: Academic Irrationalism and the Sally Hemings Controversy" published in the July 2002 issue of The Intellectual Activist. Here's the bit from the article that Mike quoted:

    Jefferson freed no more than a handful of Monticello's 150 to 200 slaves for one simple reason: they were not his to free. British creditors held the Monticello slaves, as well as Monticello itself, as collateral on the massive debt that Jefferson inherited from his father-in-law, John Wayles. Rather than sell Wayles's slaves to other masters, Jefferson sold all of the land he inherited from Wayles towards payment of this debt, but he was paid with paper fiat money that was soon worth next to nothing. Jefferson struggled to make Monticello profitable. He changed his crop from tobacco to wheat, experimented with the manufacture of nails and textiles, and sold his treasured book collection to Congress, but his debts proved insurmountable. The most he could do for his slaves was to avoid breaking up and selling off Monticello's slave families during his lifetime. Upon his death, the state sold Monticello and its lands and slaves to the public in a special lottery, leaving Jefferson's family without inheritance and his slaves without a home.

    Even had Jefferson not been overwhelmed by debt and inhibited by pro-colonization convictions, he still faced many obstacles to the manumission of Monticello's slaves. In response to Haiti's slave revolt, Virginia tightened its slave code and manumission laws, requiring that manumitted slaves be deported from the state. The free soil of neighboring Ohio, with its stringent "black code," was hardly welcoming to black freedmen. In most northern states, white prejudice blocked their economic aspirations -- and state law their political rights -- at every turn. As the wealthiest man in Virginia, George Washington could not only free all of his slaves but provide financially for their future. Until a plan for emancipation and colonization was implemented, Jefferson concluded, the best a struggling planter could do for unskilled black field slaves was to handle them as humanely as a system based on compulsion would allow. The retired statesman wrote in 1814: [...] Jefferson did as much good as he could within an evil institution he could neither escape nor destroy.
    When I come to the American Revolution in my study of history, I'll certainly spend some time on the life of Thomas Jefferson, as I'd very much like to know the truth behind the charges so often leveled against him. I already know that the now-standard claim that he had a sexual relationship with Sally Hemings is based upon extremely weak evidence. The genetic tests done can only show that some male Jefferson fathered a child by Sally Hemings, but cannot identify any particular male Jefferson as the father out of those who lived at Monticello during that time period. Frankly, I'm not convinced that such a sexual relationship would necessarily be an awful crime, as I can imagine some unusual circumstances in which genuine consent would be possible between master and slave, shocking though that might sound.

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    Friday, December 16, 2005

    Doug Bandow, Bought and Sold Libertarian

    By Diana Hsieh

    I have a few words to say on Doug Bandow's Christian libertarianism in a forthcoming post, but this breaking story about how he sold his soul for a few gold coins was just too astonishing for delay. In essence, Bandow wrote various op-eds in praise of the Indian gaming clients of Jack Abramoff for until-now undisclosed payments of up to $2000. Bandow failed to mention the financial connection in his op-eds, and he never even told his employer, the Cato Institute. He resigned from Cato yesterday, December 15th.

    Since Bandow was willing to ever-so-quietly accept money to write op-eds in praise of special interests in these now-revealed cases, his readers must now wonder how often his judgment was swayed by such irrelevant factors in his other writings. How often did he fudge or twist or duck some pertinent facts, even if barely consciously, for the sake of a check? We have no idea.

    Given the moral subjectivism common in the libertarian movement, I suspect that at least some of Doug Bandow's fellow travelers will accept, if not defend his actions. After all, what's wrong with making a bit of extra dough? In fact, a public intellectual cannot claim to advocate some substantive ideology on principle while also accepting payment to promote some special interest or other. It creates too obvious a conflict of interest -- and casts doubt upon his honesty as a public intellectual.

    I'll be very interested to watch the libertarian response to this scandal. I suspect that it will be seriously downplayed.

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    Who Pays?

    By Diana Hsieh

    A while back, I listened to Gary Hull's five hour introductory seminar on Objectivism. (It's available for free from ARI's web site.) Although I obviously wasn't its intended audience, I listened to it because I like to see the approach taken in these introductory presentations.

    I was struck by one interesting tidbit on egoism versus altruism in the second lecture. It's an obvious point in retrospect, but I just never thought of it in such terms. Here's my summary of Hull's basic point, with some additions from me.

    The basic contrast between egoism and altruism concerns the beneficiary of action. The egoist aims to benefit himself, whereas the altruist aims to benefit others. However, it's not merely self-made benefits that are morally significant, but also self-made costs.

    Under egoism, if a person makes a mistake (innocent or not), then he ought to pay for it, clean it up, make it right. Each individual person is responsible for his own life, including remedying his errors. So if egoist John mismanages his finances, then it's entirely just and proper for him to lose his house or car to pay his creditors.

    In contrast, if a person makes a mistake (innocent or not) under altruism, then others ought to pay for it, clean it up, make it right. Other people are morally obliged to help those in need, even if that need is due to the person's own ignorance, poor judgment, or outright vice. So if altruist John mismanages his finances, then the rest of us ought to forgive his debts, donate to charity to help him, pay taxes for his welfare benefits, and so on.

    In other words, altruism does not merely forbid a person from enjoying the tasty fruits of his own success, but also requires him to eat the rotten fruits of others' failures!

    At least for me, this perspective on altruism versus egoism clearly highlights altruism's utter rejection of the virtue of justice. Another person's need is all that counts in altruism, regardless of the source of that need. His moral character is completely irrelevant to our supposed obligations to serve him. That's why the whole distinction between the worthy and unworthy poor is treated with such contempt by altruists. (I remember not understanding the presumed wrongness of that differentiation in high school history discussions of early government welfare programs.) Moral judgment is an impediment to altruistic virtue, so it is deemed a sin. Volition is similarly undermined, since the serious altruists are determined to go a step further by denying that people are responsible for the course of their lives at all. They leap upon all manner of silly varieties of determinism (e.g. that his genes or mother or culture or friends made him do it) to hide the fact that a vicious person is morally responsible for his crappy life.

    I wonder how much other bad philosophy is little more than a rationalization for altruism.

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    Retarded Colleges

    By Diana Hsieh

    Egalitarianism knows no bounds. Case in point: The inane idea of college degrees for the mentally defective is now a "civil rights issue and a moral issue," despite the inability of such students to complete anything like a regular academic course of study.

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    Thursday, December 15, 2005

    Away

    By Diana Hsieh

    Since the comments are rocking and rolling, I just wanted to let everyone know that I'll be a bit out of the loop for the next few days. (I'm in Maryland for my sister's wedding.) I have good internet connection (high speed wireless), but I'm just busy away from the computer. I am reading the comments with great interest, but I am unlikely to reply.

    In other news, my iPod hard drive has croaked, just two weeks out from its warrantee. Any recommendations? (Should I get it fixed? Buy another iPod? Buy something else?)

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    Wednesday, December 14, 2005

    Philosophy and Science

    By Diana Hsieh

    Somewhat to my surprise, listening to Edith Packer's Nine Lectures on Psychology and the Mises Institute's Home Study Course in Austrian Economics of late has inspired some thinking about basic relationship between philosophy and those two special sciences. My preliminary view is that the epistemological relationship is basically the same in both cases, but substantially different from the relationship between philosophy and biology, chemistry, and physics.

    With the sciences of biology, chemistry, and physics, philosophy establishes the basic method of inquiry, namely the logical processing of empirical facts. Philosophy does offer some substantial detail about that practice, including the need for integration and reduction. Yet it offers no detailed instructions for scientists, not even the need for and value of experimentation. (That's too specialized, I think.) Philosophy can also veto certain scientific theories for contradicting established philosophic truths, usually the axioms. However, within the general metaphysical and epistemological framework offered by philosophy, these sciences largely proceed based upon a wealth of empirical observations, such as apples falling to the earth, salt dissolving in water, and plants growing toward the sun.

    In contrast, both psychology and economics heavily depend upon a wide range of philosophic principles, including those in ethics (for psychology) and politics (for economics). Psychology relies upon a philosophic understanding of the nature and purpose of consciousness, including the survival value of reason, the source of emotions, the basic capacities of consciousness, the locus of free will, and so on. Economics relies upon a philosophic understanding of the nature and purpose of production and trade, including the harmony of rational interests, the role of reason in production, and life as the standard of value. In other words, the foundational principles of psychology and economics, not just its methodology and boundaries, are established by philosophy.

    A basic task of both psychology and economics is to elaborate upon those foundational philosophic principles, sometimes with the help of empirical research. Yet the major value of the field seems to be negative -- in the sense of considering aberrations from the ideals set by philosophy. So psychology is largely focused on identifying, explaining, and treating defects such as defense mechanisms, neuroses, phobias, etc. Similarly, economics is largely focused on understanding the effects of forcibly preventing individuals from freely producing and trading, such as by price controls, government monopolies, and regulations. Thus philosophy sets the proper normative standards for both psychology and economics, but then the good specialists in those fields offer us a far richer understanding of how to achieve those normative standards -- and what to expect if we don't.

    This understanding of the different relationship between philosophy and the special sciences explains some interesting differences between the "empirical sciences" of biology, chemistry, and physics and "philosophic sciences" of psychology and economics. The empirical sciences are much older (as distinct disciplines) than the philosophical sciences -- perhaps because they require less in the way of philosophic foundation. Perhaps the philosophic sciences are more susceptible than the empirical sciences to the lunacy of philosophy for the same reason. (Obviously, the empirical sciences can and have been corrupted by philosophy. My point is simply that they were not so quickly corrupted.) The differences between these kinds of sciences also explains why the divisions between philosophy and economics and psychology are less clear-cut than those between philosophy and biology, chemistry, and physics.

    So that's my preliminary account. Tear it apart, if you please!

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    Chimps Versus Children

    By Diana Hsieh

    I must admit, I'm really not sure what to make of this finding that young children will imitate complex actions modeled by adults, even the obviously useless elements, whereas chimps very quickly weed out the useless elements. Any thoughts?

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    Tuesday, December 13, 2005

    Happy Happy Birthday

    By Diana Hsieh

    Hey, I'm a prime number again!

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    The Value of Blogs

    By Don

    I'm guessing this guy is not a big fan of NoodleFood.

    (Courtesy of David Rehm)

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    Monday, December 12, 2005

    The Open System, One More Time

    By Diana Hsieh

    As mentioned in my previous post, Trey Givens waded into the Kelley split for the first time by reading Fact and Value. Toward the end of his post, just after agreeing with Leonard Peikoff's basic statement about the closed system, Trey somewhat hesitantly says the following:

    If [Ayn Rand], and ... I am not prepared to produce any instances where she did, did not correctly or consistently apply her philosophy, it does not invalidate her philosophy. Further, it seems to me that this also does not mean that the correct application is not a part of Objectivism, but that the correct application would be -- where the term "Objectivism" describes her philosophy and the application and movement of promoting her philosophy. Applications of philosophy to some particular issue or situation are of minor value in light of the basic principles themselves of which the philosophy consists.

    If I am wrong in my description of the term "Objectivism" the worst that can be said is that correct applications of Ayn Rand's philosophy, though not Objectivism, would be described as consistent therewith; which is, in my opinion, a distinction of very little worth in itself. Also, if I'm wrong there, I have no idea how one would classify a mistake Ayn Rand herself made in terms of "Objectivism," if one believes that every word she wrote and word she spoke is subsumed under the term.
    I'm not sure that I'm adequately understanding Trey's point, but I can make some general comments on the nature of philosophic systems. Perhaps he can tell me where we disagree, if at all.

    As far as I understand, a philosophic system is a set of interrelated philosophic principles. So while the ways in which a philosopher applies his principles to a particular issues often illuminates the scope or meaning of them, those applications are not part of the philosophy itself. So if Ayn Rand misapplied her philosophic principles by misjudging some point outside philosophy -- such as the wording of some piece of legislation, the proper interpretation of some passage of Hume, the historical roots of the Renaissance, the psychology underlying altruistic demands, or whatever -- that does not invalidate her philosophy. The critics of the closed system often have trouble grasping this point, largely because they are confused (some willfully, some honestly) about (1) the boundaries of philosophy (i.e. what counts as a philosophic principle) and (2) the nature of a principle (i.e. what counts as a philosophic principle). Ayn Rand's contentious claim that homosexuality is immoral (with which I disagree) and that a properly feminine woman wouldn't want to be President (with which I agree, much to my surprise) fail on both counts. Neither is a fundamental generalization, nor even particularly broad or abstract. And while both depend upon the application of some philosophic principles, they heavily depend upon complex and technical points of psychology.

    The actual invalidation of the philosophic system of Objectivism would require the discovery of an error in the principles themselves. So Objectivism would be false if we realized that reason wasn't our basic means of survival, that entities sometimes act contrary to their natures, that existence doesn't exist, that art has no real connection to metaphysical value judgments, that government is an unnecessary evil, that pride is a vice, and so on. Those principles are (by definition) fundamental generalizations: they are induced from a vast array of inductive data and tightly integrated to the other principles in the system. Any change to or rejection of those principles would require serious changes to the whole system. The result would be a fundamentally different philosophy deserving of its own name.

    That a change to one principle would affect the whole system is fairly easy to see with the really broad generalizations like causality. The very possibility of ethics, for example, depends upon the law of causality in myriad ways. Without causality, the choice to think or not would not be a delimited choice necessitated by our human nature, but some random twitch. Without causality, we could abuse out minds at will without suffering the consequences. Without causality, we could not establish that some values are necessary to sustain life, nor that some virtues are necessary means to those values. Ethics, in short, would never even arise.

    That a change to one principle would affect the whole system is far harder to see with more specialized generalizations like the virtue of pride. Without the proper context, it might seem that we can trim the twigs of the tree without affecting the branches or trunk. But that's a bad analogy. The problem with such trimmings is clearer upon consideration of the particular reasons for rejecting the principle in question, for those reasons will require us to also reject a host of other principles. For example, if the moral perfection demanded by the virtue of pride (in the sense of eschewing all willful evil) is impossible, that implies that people don't always have the choice to think or not, i.e. that they don't have free will. Or, if individual rights may be violated for the sake of the good of the community, that invalidates egoism and individualism in favor of altruism and collectivism. Or, if government necessarily violates individual rights, that's because objective judgments about the use of force are impossible, such that we must resort to the subjective-collective judgments of "agreements" between "defense agencies." (Oy! What an exercise in integration!)

    That sounds far more rationalistic than I'd like, so let me put the general point this way: For a set of philosophical principles to form a system rather than just a jumbled mess, those principles must be tightly connected to one another. They must form a single, coherent worldview. Of course, internal contradictions may abound even in such a tight-knit philosophic system -- as with Kant. The basic reason is that a philosophy can only be fully self-consistent if it is fully consistent with reality, i.e. true. If a philosophy is only partially grounded in reality, then internal contradictions are inevitable, since the true will conflict with the false. No philosophy can manage to be completely and utterly severed from reality -- not in the sense of denying every fact -- since that would render it incomprehensible. For example, even Kant couldn't manage to deny that we experience sensations, emotions, memories, thoughts, and the like! Given the integration inherent in a system of philosophy, contradictions between principles cannot be neatly excised from it. Correcting one contradiction will only generate new contradictions -- on and on ad infinitum. Soon, the philosophy will no longer resemble its former self. For any philosophy that does not conform wholly to reality, its falsehoods and contradictions are simply part of its identity.

    Returning now to Objectivism, if the acceptance or rejection of some claim genuinely wouldn't impact the rest of the philosophy, then it's not a principle at all. The acceptance or rejection of a genuine principle, on the other hand, will impact the whole character of the philosophy. That's why David Kelley's "open system" is not merely wrong but actually impossible. The myriad principles of the philosophy that he leaves open to revision cannot be altered without seriously affecting those he claims are closed to revision. For example, he claims that only the virtues of rationality, independence, justice, and productiveness are necessary to Objectivism, meaning that an advocate of Objectivism can reject the virtues of pride, honesty, and integrity. Kelley claims that those virtues, along with everything else he places outside the scope of Objectivism, are "principles of limited range and significance for the system as a whole." In fact, those virtues cannot be rejected, nor even tweaked, without rejecting the Objectivist view of rationality, not to mention a host of other principles that Kelley regards as necessary. In response to that potential objection, Kelley says:
    It's also important to stress that the principles I have mentioned are not to be taken as a list of articles of faith. They are elements in a connected system. I have been asked whether I would consider someone to be an Objectivist if he accepted all these principles but denied some other point--e.g., that honesty is a virtue. My answer is that the question is premature. I would need to know the reason for his position. If he rejects honesty because he doesn't like it, even though he happens to like the points I've mentioned, then he would not be an adherent of the Objectivist philosophy because he is not an adherent of any philosophy. A philosophy is a logically integrated system, not a grab bag of isolated tenets adopted arbitrarily. If the person did have a reason for his position, then I would need to know what it is. I cannot imagine any argument in favor of dishonesty that does not rest on a rejection of rationality, in which case the person is outside the framework of Objectivism. But if his position is that honesty, while good, is not important enough as an issue to be considered a cardinal virtue; or that the scope of legitimate "white lies" is larger than Ayn Rand allowed; or any number of other variant positions in all such cases, I would consider him an Objectivist even if I disagreed with him, as long as he defends his view by reference to the basic principles (T&T 69).
    For starters, notice the skepticism inherent in Kelley's claim, "I cannot imagine any argument in favor of dishonesty that does not rest on a rejection of rationality..." Contrary to analytic flights of fancy, imagination is not a guide to knowledge. So it does not matter what arguments for dishonesty Kelley might be able to imagine: Any Objectivist philosopher worth his salt ought to know, with full certainty, that "any argument in favor of dishonesty" absolutely requires "a rejection of rationality." The fact that honesty (i.e. the refusal to fake reality) is the flip side of rationality (i.e. the commitment to grasp reality) out to make this point quite clear. The tentative language is revealing, as Kelley ought to know better than to speak in such loose terms. Although Kelley would certainly reject such explicitly, the comment smacks of Popperian falsification, as if we cannot be certain of our claims because someone might someday offer some counterexample that we hadn't yet considered.

    Kelley's willingness to consider more moderate changes to Objectivism -- like that "honesty, while good, is not important enough as an issue to be considered a cardinal virtue" or that "the scope of legitimate 'white lies' is larger than Ayn Rand allowed" or "any number of other variant positions" -- tells us little. Kelley allows that those positions might be defended "by reference to the basic principles," but that's an arbitrary possibility -- particularly since we are not given even a hint about the grounds upon which a person might hold such views. By speaking only in vague terms, he evasively sidesteps the devastating objection that any change to a principle of Objectivism would necessitate dramatic changes to the whole system. Kelley seems to want to allow "moderate" changes to Objectivism, but he can offer no principled grounds upon which to permit those but not the wholesale rejection of Objectivist principles. Nor does he dare offer any concretized examples.

    Notably, Kelley never says that the arguments for such changes must be true, or compelling, or even plausible. In other words, a person can advance any crazy departure from Ayn Rand's philosophy as Objectivism, so long as he claims to argue from the few principles that Kelley arbitrarily claims as necessary to and sufficient for Objectivism. (I've certainly seen exactly that kind of craziness from supporters of Kelley's open system, most notably the argument for animal rights on the grounds that life is an end in itself.) Kelley could not champion even basic intellectual standards like logical consistency in his open system, since the whole scheme is premised upon the idea that a "philosophy of reason" demands mere "dissent," even though "nine out of ten new ideas will be mistakes" (AQOS). In fact, TOC's history demonstrates that the ratio of stupid dissents to total dissents is much, much higher than nine out of ten.

    As a final note, I'd just like to emphasize just how little of Ayn Rand's philosophy David Kelley regards as necessary to Objectivism within his open system.

    In the chapter on Objectivism in Truth and Toleration, Kelley argues that a "a philosophy defines a school of thought, a category of thinkers who subscribe to the same basic principles" (T&T 57). By his "open system" approach, the "members of the school may differ among themselves over many issues within the framework of the basic principles they accept," including "a vast array of detailed questions in every area of philosophy," "the proper formulation of the basic principles," and the "interrelationships" between them (T&T 57). The philosophy "develops" over time, albeit with "limits on [this] process" so that "the system [can] retain its integrity" (T&T 57). These limits are "set by fundamental principles: the system is defined by the essential tenets that distinguish it from other viewpoints" (T&T 58). Somewhat later in the chapter, Kelley identifies the principles which he regards as fundamental to Objectivism in just over 1300 words (T&T 66-8). As a group, they are supposed to serve three basic purposes: (1) "distinguish Objectivism from every other viewpoint," (2) "identify the boundaries of the debate and development that may take place within Objectivism as a school of thought," and (3) differentiate Objectivists from non-Objectivists (T&T 69). In other words, Kelley regards these principles as necessary to and sufficient for Objectivism. They are the only "closed" aspects of the philosophy.

    While Kelley's list certainly includes many basic principles of Objectivism, the omissions are striking. For example, it includes the axioms of existence, identity, and causality, while omitting the axiom of consciousness (T&T 66). It contains the principle that "the material of knowledge is provided by the senses," but not the rejection of representationalism, the form-content distinction, or even that knowledge is both hierarchical and contextual. It includes the idea of a concept as "an integration of particulars on the basis of their similarities," but excludes the theory of measurement omission, the rejection of the analytic-synthetic distinction, and countless other elements of Rand's revolutionary theory of concepts (T&T 67). As already mentioned, it contains the virtues of rationality, justice, productiveness, and independence, but not integrity, honesty, and pride (T&T 67). It includes the importance of productive work, but omits romantic love (T&T 67). It includes the idea that rights are individual rights to action without excluding the possibility of animal rights (T&T 68). It entirely omits the relationship between reason and emotion, the benevolent universe premise, sense of life, the evils of compromise and appeasement, the impotence of evil, the whole of aesthetics, and so much more (T&T 66-9). And that's just scratching the surface.

    Kelley claims that even though the excluded principles "contribute to the richness and power of Objectivism as a system of thought," none are "primary" (T&T 69). They are of "limited range and significance for the philosophy as a whole," such that they may be challenged, altered, or rejected without departing from Objectivism (T&T 69). On the contrary, the fact that Objectivism is a tightly integrated system of philosophy means that such is impossible.

    I've strayed rather far from Trey Givens' original post, but at least I've now finished up my major comments on the errors and absurdities of Kelley's open system. Of course, further questions and comments are welcome.

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    The Growing Market Clout of Evangelicals

    By Paul Hsieh

    The Economist reports that mainstream corporate America has recently discovered the immense market clout of Evangelical Christians and is starting to pay more attention to this hitherto neglected market segment. A couple of interesting facts from the article:

    Christian radio has seen its market share expand from 2.2% in 1999 to 5.5% today. The Association of American Publishers reports that the market for religious books grew by 37% in 2003. The definition of religious books is vague--but religious publishing is undoubtedly growing much faster than the industry as a whole.

    Even if the religious bit of the media industry is still relatively small, it accounts for a disproportionate share of the "mega-hits". The Left Behind series of novels on the end of days has brought in $650m. Bantam Dell, a mainstream publisher owned by Germany's Bertelsmann, has reportedly paid Tim La Haye an advance of $45m for the next series. The Purpose Driven Life by Rick Warren, an evangelical preacher, is the best-selling hardcover book in American history, with more than 25m copies sold. Christian blockbusters are dragging a huge flotilla of other Christian products in their wake--from "praise the Lord backpacks", in camouflage colours, to Christian dieting books such as Don Colbert's What Would Jesus Eat.

    The reason the religious market is booming is simple: religious America is booming. John Green, of the University of Akron in Ohio, calculates that there are 50m Evangelicals in America. He argues that Evangelicals are growing as a share of the population. They are also getting richer, in part because the Evangelical heartland of the South is booming and in part because richer people are joining the cause.
    From all indications, this influence is only going to continue to grow over the next several years.

    (If I were an unscrupulous atheist looking to make a dishonest buck, I'd think pretty hard about starting a bogus Christian rock band, just like Eric Cartman in South Park episode 709!)

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